
Class __£I^44^ 



SMITIISOXIAN lIKl'OSIT. 



SLAVERY IN 
RHODE ISLAND 

1755-1776 




BY 



William D. Johnston, A. B. 
#1 




TdHib 1894 ^ 



PROVIDENCE 

PRINTED FOR THE SOCIETY 
1894 









fRINTINQ 
COMF-ANY 



CONTENTS. 



PARTI. INTRODUCTION: SLAVERY BEFORE 1755. 

I. THE LAW AND THE SLAVE. 

Page 

Introduction 113 

Legislation in 17th century 114 

Results of this legislation ; manumission 114 

Legislation from 1700 to 1755 116 

Character of this legislation 117 

White slave and black slave 119 

n. THE CHURCH AND THE SLAVE. 

Activity and teaching of the Church of England 119 

Attitude of the Quakers toward slavery 121 

Influence of the church upon the status of the slave 121 

in. THE SLAVE TRADE AND THE EXTENT OF SLAVERY. 

Growth of the slave trade 122 

Reasons for the decline of the slave trade 125 

Extent and distribution of slavery 126 

PART II. SLAVERY BETWEEN 1755 AND 1776. 

I. SLAVE LEGISLATION. 

Laws between 1755 and 1774 129 

Law of 1774 ; origin 130 

Character of slave legislation 133 

II. SOCIAL LIFE OF THE SLAVES. 

The sale of negroes 134 

Social attainments 135 

Knowledge of trades 136 

Occupations 136 

Care for slaves ; amusements 137 

Election day 139 

Free negroes 141 



III. THE CHURCH AND THE SLAVE. 

Page 

Changing attitude toward slavery 141 

Church of England ; sermons 142 

Results ; education 143 

The Quakers ; John Woolman 144 

Action by the Quakers ; sentiment against slave trade 146 

Progress of the movement; sentiment against slave-holding 151 

Other ecclesiastical bodies ; Samuel Hopkins 152 

The unorthodoxy of reform 155 

Moral and economic reasons for decay of slavery 156 

IV. ANTI-SLAVERY AGITATION. 

Anti-slavery literature iS7 

Object and success of the agitation 159 

Will of Moses Brown 160 

The movement in Narragansett 163 

Conclusion 164 



EDITORIAL NOTES. 



SLAVERY IN RHODE ISLAND, 175^-1776.^' 



F» ART I. 

INTRODUCTION: SLAVERY BEFORE 1755. 



I. THE LAW AND THE SLAVE. 

Introduction. The history of slavery in Rhode Island, 
from 1755 to 1776, is the history of the decay of the institu- 
tion in that colony. Anti-slavery sentiment and agitation 
may be traced back to the time of Roger Williams, the 
founder of the colony. Moore speaks of " the humane efforts 
of Roger Williams and John Eliot to abate the severity of 
judgment against captives, and mitigate the horrors of slavery 
in Massachusetts." Beside these, several of the leading 
spirits of the seventeenth century had raised a protest against 
the institution of slavery, but it was not till 1717 that any or- 
ganized effort against slaveholding was made, and it was not 
until the time of the approaching revolution that this feeling 
and this thought became at all general. 

During these years many forces, economic and social, were 
active, undermining the institution of slavery, and modifying 
public opinion with regard to slavery and the slave trade. A 
consideration of these forces and their varied manifestations 
is necessary. 

*The sources of this account of slavery in Rhode Island in the last gen- 
eration preceding the Revolution are, besides the books and pamphlets 
referred to in foot-notes, the contemporary newspapers, the manuscript 
records of Providence (town meeting, town council and probate), those 
of the N. E. Yearly Meeting of Friends, those of certain churches in 
Rhode Island, and the Moses Brown Papers. 



114 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 

Legislation in the Seventeenth Century. May i8, 1652, 
the following act was passed by the representatives of 
Providence and Warwick : ^ " Whereas there is a common 
course practiced among EngHshmen, to buy negroes to the 
end that they may have them for service or slaves forever, for 
the preventing of such practices among us, let it be ordered 
that no black mankind, or white, being forced to covenant 
bond or otherwise, serve any man or his assigns longer than 
ten years, or until they come to be twenty-four years of age 
if they be taken under fourteen, from the time of their com- 
ing within the liberties of the Colony, and at the end or term 
of ten years to set them free as the manner is with English 
servants, and that man that will not let them go free, or shall 
sell them away elsewhere, to that end that they may be en- 
slaved to others for a longer time, he or they shall forfeit to 
the Colony forty pounds." 

In March, 1675-6, another law of like nature was passed. ^ 
The New England colonies were in the habit of selling as 
slaves the Indian captives they took in their frequent wars. 
Rhode Island enslaved few, perhaps none ; still there were 
Indian slaves carried into Rhode Island, and it was with ref- 
erence to these that the act of March, 1675-6, was passed. 
This provided that " no Indian in this colony be a slave but 
only to pay their debts, or for their bringing up, or courtesy 
they have received, or to perform covenant, as if they had 
been countrymen not in war." 

Results of This Legislation ; Mawimission. What Wil- 
liams has said 3 of the law of 1652 is true both of that law 
and the law of 1675-6 just quoted. They were both admir- 
able laws, but they were lacking the public sentiment to give 
them practical force in the colony. They were the expres- 
sion of a part of the colony rather than the whole, and that 
part, it will be observed, was the northern. The principle, 
however, embodied in these laws, persisted ; masters some- 
times gave slaves their freedom, and slaves took advantage of 

1 " R. L Colonial Records," L, 243. 

^Wilkins Updike, "History of the Narragansett Church," p. 171. 

3 G. W. Williams, " History of the Negro Race in America," I., p. 263. 



SLAVERY IN RHODE ISLAND. II5 

it where possible, to secure their freedom. The result was 
that at the beginning of the eighteenth century there was a 
considerable number of free negroes. Emancipation became 
more and more common, and the colony began to fear that it 
would have to support negroes whose years of usefulness had 
been spent in work for their masters, and who were manu- 
mitted by them when old and helpless. To prevent this 
abuse, an injustice to slave and to commonwealth, the Rhode 
Island legislature in 1728-9 passed a law, 1 providing that 
when aged or helpless slaves were manumitted, security in 
the sum of not less than one hundred pounds should be given 
to the town treasurer. 

Yet, in spite of the seeming demand for a law, it must be 
said that these abuses were comparatively rare. Manumitted 
servants were usually given a small establishment with their 
freedom, and were generally able to care for themselves. " A 
negro man and woman, in 1735, by Ind'y & Frugality, scrap'd 
together /200, or i:300. They sailed from Newport to their 
own country, Guinea, where their savings gave them an in- 
dependent fortune." 2 With the growth of Providence, many 
emancipated slaves shared in the increase of general prosper- 
ity, and left behind them effects sufficient to attract the at- 
tention of the town council. Among many others was "Jack 
Harris, a negro man, so called," who died December 21, 1745, 
and left one hundred and forty-five pounds eleven shillings 
and five pence, much of it, unhappily, in colonial bills ; also 
John Read, who died December 21, 1753. and left one hun- 
dred pounds ; Andrew Frank, ^ who died intestate, October 6, 
1755, and left to the town two hundred and twenty-nine 
pounds and six pence, besides an old Bible and farming imple- 
ments. These facts indicate that the position of the slave in 
Rhode Island, partly because of public opinion as expressed 
in the two acts already quoted, and partly for economic rea- 
sons, was practically the same as that of the apprentice or in- 
dentured white servant. The position of the free negro or 
Indian was determined as among the colonists themselves by 

1 R. L Laws, 1730, p. 162. 

2" Boston Evening Post," 1735. 

3"R. L Historical Tracts," No. 15, p. 177- 



Il6 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 

family, wealth and social attainments. It has been asserted, 
however, ^ that an examination of the legislation of this period 
will lead one to believe that there existed some jealousy of the 
negro, and a desire to infringe upon the acquired liberties of 
the free negro. Let us consider the truth of this proposition. 

Legislation from lyoo to ly^S. In 17042 on account of 
thefts committed after nightfall, negroes were forbidden to 
be abroad after nine o'clock, on penalty of whipping. No 
housekeeper was to be allowed to entertain them after this 
time, on penalty of five shillings fine. An act of 1708 ^ in- 
creased this fine to ten shillings. In 1714,* slaves having run 
away under pretense of being sent by their masters and hav- 
ing on this account been carried out of the colony and often 
lost to their masters, it was enacted that no person should 
transport any slave over a ferry or out of the colony without 
a certificate from the master, on penalty of twenty shillings fine ; 
that all ministers of j ustice and others should aid in arresting and 
returning all slaves seeking to escape in this manner. An act of 
1718^ provided that all slaves who should be found purloining or 
stealing should be tried and punished by a court consisting of 
two or more justices of the peace or town officers of the town 
where the offence was committed, instead of in the general 
courts of trial and gaol delivery as before. There was the 
right of appeal to the higher court only in case the owner of 
the slave should desire it and would give bond to prosecute 
the appeal. In 1743,6 there was an Act " for the more effect- 
ual punishment of negroes that shall attempt to commit rape 
on any white woman." In March, 1750-1,7 an Act was passed, 
supplementary to the acts of 1704 and 1708," to prevent all 
persons Keeping house within this colony, from entertaining 
Indian, Negro or Mulatto servants or slaves : " 

1 Williams, " History of the Negro Race in America," I., 264. 

- R. I. Laws, 1730, p. 50. 

3"R. I. Colonial Records," IV., 50. 

* R. I. Laws, 1730, p. 72. 

'^ R. I. Laws, 1719, p. roi. 

*' R. I. Laws, 1745, p. 263. 

' R. I. Laws, 1752, pp. 92-3. 



SLAVERY IN RHODE ISLAND. II7 

" Whereas great disorders and Burglaries are oftentimes 
raised and committed by Negroes, Indians and other impudent 
Persons, entertaining such Indian, Negro and Mulatto serv- 
ants and slaves, and selling them strong Liquors and receiving 
and bargaining with them ; by Means whereof such servants 
and slaves are induced and tempted to pilfer and steal from 
their Masters and Mistresses, to the utter Ruin of such Serv- 
ants, apd to the great Injury of the Public," it is therefore 
enacted, that no one shall sell liquor to any Indian, mulatto, 
or negro servant or slave, under penalty of a fine of thirty 
pounds, one-half to the informer ; no householder shall enter- 
tain any such without the owner's consent, nor furnish op- 
portunities for dancing or gaming, under penalty of fine or 
imprisonment ; transgressors (if not whites) shall have their 
housekeeping broken up and be set to work for the town ; 
colored servants or slaves abroad after nine o'clock shall be 
apprehended and, in the morning, whipped, unless the owner 
will pay ten pounds ; trading with slaves was also forbidden. 

Character of this Legislation. None of these laws, I 
think, indicate that the negro was treated with particular 
severity.^ The attempt was made to prevent the numerous 
thefts which were committed by slaves, though seemingly with 
little success. A law was also passed to prevent the escape 
of slaves from their masters, but this, it must be remembered, 
was as much in the interest of the public as of the master. 
A poor stranger was always liable to become a charge upon 
the town, and it was therefore by no means an uncommon 
thing to return a poor white person to his or her place of le- 
gal residence. By this law for the return of fugitive slaves, 
therefore, no peculiar discrimination was made against the 
slave or against the negro. It is true these laws, unlike the 
laws of 1652 and 1675-6, do not prohibit slavery but are per- 
missive and regulative. The interests of the owner of land 
and of slaves had become important since the opening of the 

1 Slaves were never subjected to severer punishments than whites for 
the same offences, as has been the case in some states ; and they enjoyed 
the protection of the laws for offences against their persons equally with 
the whites. — E. R. Potter, Report to R. I. Legislature, 1840. 



Il8 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 

century, and were now deemed worthy of consideration. 
The laws of 1652 and 1675-6, as has been said, were the ex- 
pression of the northern and democratic part of the colony ; 
the slave laws of the eighteenth century, on the other hand, 
were the expression of the wealthier southern counties, and 
were based not on grounds of principle but on grounds of 
interest and expediency. This change was occasioned by the 
growth of the Narragansett Plantations, and the increase in 
maritime trade, which centered in Newport. These laws, 
however, were not cruel ; they simply expressed what were 
commonly recognized as the rights of the master over the 
slave. As Williams says,^ negro slaves were ratable at law 
as chattel property, and could be taken in execution to satisfy 
debts as other personal property. He cites this instance : — 

"In October, 1743, Comfort Taylor of Bristol sued and ob- 
tained judgment against a negro named Cuff Borden for two 
hundred pounds and cost of suit for a grievous trespass. Cuff 
was a slave. An ordinary execution would have gone against 
his person ; he would have been imprisoned and nothing 
more. In view of this condition of affairs Mrs. Taylor peti- 
tioned the General Assembly praying that authority be granted 
the sheriff to sell Cuff as other property to satisfy the judg- 
ment. The Assembly granted her prayer as follows : 'upon 
consideration whereof, it is voted and resolved, that the sher- 
iff of the said county of Newport, when he shall receive the 
execution against the said negro Cuff, be, and is hereby fully 
empowered to sell said negro Cuff as other personal estate ; 
and after the fine of twenty pounds be paid into the gen- 
eral treasury, and all other charges deducted out of the 
price of said negro, the remainder to be appropriated in sat- 
isfying said execution.' "2 

This procedure was not, however, peculiar to the legal treat- 
ment of negroes. It was not a rare occurrence to sell poor 
white debtors in similar cases. For example, Julian Wel- 
ford and Christina Renshen, two women convicted of theft in 
Newport, not having an estate, were sold to pay the costs, 

^ " History of the Negro Race in America, " II., 278. 
^ " R. I. Colonial Records," V., 72-3. 



SLAVERY IN RHODE ISLAND. II9 

" but they scarcely sold for enough to pay the person who 
whipped them." ^ 

White Slave and Black Slave. This was the legal status 
of the servant or slave, black or white, in 1755, as nearly 
as we can determine. The essential difference between the 
white slave and the black was that there was usually a limit 
to the white man's servitude, and his children were not sub- 
ject to the same condition of servitude. The reason for this 
lies in the cause of the servitude in each case. In the case of 
the white, this was debt or crime for which the penalty was 
transportation with service. In the case of the negro and In- 
dian, this cause was a one-sided war, with ensuing captivity 
and servitude for the weaker race. With none of the same 
race or family to care for his interests, there would necessa- 
rily not result in the condition of the negro or Indian slave, 
the same modifications as in the condition of the white slave. 
Accordingly while we find the treatment of all classes of 
slaves to be practically the same, public opinion among the 
colonists, and first of all among Englishmen in the old coun- 
try, did not go so far as to allow condemnation of their fel. 
low-countrymen to life-long servitude save rarely, and so far 
as I know rarely allowed the enslavement of children on ac- 
count of the enslavement of a parent, at least when one par- 
ent was left to support the children. 

II. THE CHURCH AND THE SLAVE. 

The Activity and Teachitig of the Church of England.. We 
will now examine into the relations of the slave with the 
church, for these even more than his legal status deter- 
mined his future social position, and a clear understanding 
of these relations is necessary to a complete comprehension 
of the social position of the slave in 1755, and the movement 
of the following years which ended in the abolition of the 
slave trade and the emancipation of the slave. 

In 1730 Mr. Usher, missionary at Bristol, wrote the Society 
for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts : " I have 

1 " Newport Mercury," 1761. 



120 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 

had sundry negroes make application for baptism that were 
able to render a very good account of the hope that was in 
them, and their practices were generally agreeable to the 
principles of the Christian religion. But I am not permitted 
to comply with their request and my own duty, being forbid 
by their masters."^ In 1740 one negro is reported as bap- 
tised. In 1746 thirty negroes and Indians are reported as 
belonging to the congregation, but complaint is still made 
of opposition from masters to the baptism of their slaves. ^ 
Masters felt that baptism was inconsistent with a state of 
slavery, and therefore made strenuous opposition to the bap- 
tism of their slaves, not only here but elsewhere. 

Dean Berkeley wrote in 1731 with reference to the negro 
slaves, ^ " The religion of these people, as is natural to sup- 
pose, takes after that of their masters ; some few are bap- 
tised, several frequent the different assemblies, and far the 
greater part none at all." 

Mr. McSparran, missionary in Narragansett, in 1741, re- 
ports that he has begun the catechetical lecture for the 
negroes, and spends one hour immediately preceding divine 
service in catechising and instructing these poor wretches, 
who for the most part are extremely ignorant ; and whether 
from the novelty of the thing, or as he hopes from a better 
motive, more than fifty slaves give their attendance. His 
journal contains this entry under date of August 2, 1741 : 
" Dr. McSparran catechised the negroes, and there were pres- 
ent on that occasion at church, near about or more than one 
hundred." In 1743 Mr. Honeyman at Newport reported "an 
hundred negroes who constantly attend the public worship of 
God." 4 

The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign 
Parts, already referred to, though owning a plantation in the 
Barbadoes and being " under the necessity of purchasing fresh 
hands from time to time to keep up the stock," early began 
to take an interest in the religious instruction of the negroes, 

1 Updike, 454. 

- Updike, 459, 463. 

3 Updike, 177. 

* Updike, 460, 168, 461. 



SLAVERY IN RHODE ISLAND. 121 

and when they could not send special catechists wrote to 
their missionaries "to use their best endeavors at proper 
times to instruct the negroes," and "to recommend it zeal- 
ously to their masters to order their slaves at convenient 
times to come to them that they might be instructed." ^ In 
" an address to masters and mistresses of families in the En- 
glish Plantations abroad," issued by this society, we find the 
following : " Let me beseech you to consider them not merely 
as slaves, and upon the same level with laboring beasts, but 
as men slaves and women slaves, who have the same frame 
and faculties with yourselves, and have souls capable of being 
made happy, and reason and understanding to receive instruc- 
tion in order to it." 

The influence of such publications was undoubtedly great 
in mitigating the severity of slavery, especially among Church- 
men in the colonies. It was through such publications and 
through its missionaries that the English church materially 
modified the relations of master and slave. 

The Attihide of the Quakers Toward Slavery. The sec- 
ond ecclesiastical force operative at this time was the So- 
ciety of Friends. They were the first, so far as we can learn, 
to put forth an organized effort against slavery. In 1717 the 
Friends' Yearly Meeting Record says : " The subject of slaves 
considered and advice given that letters be written to the 
Islands and elsewhere not to send any more slaves to be sold 
by any Friend." In 1727 the practice of importing negroes 
was censured ; and by the middle of the eighteenth century 
the emancipation of slaves had gradually become a matter of 
action by the whole Quaker body. " Similar attempts in 
other sects were rather the acts of individuals." ^ Yet slavery 
was still permitted by the Friends as by other religious 
bodies, and by the State. This marks the difference between 
the middle and the end of the century. 

Influence of the ChurcJi 7ipon the Statiis of the Slave. 
Slavery in 1755 was among many recognized as an evil, 

1 Humphrey's History of the Society. 

'^Von Hoist, " History of the United States," I., 279. 



122 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 

yet it was permitted ; toward the close of the century it was 
felt as an evil and was prohibited. In 1755 the slave in his 
relation with his master was treated under law as chattel 
property. He could be bought and sold, punished or emanci- 
pated at the will of his master so long as this did not inter- 
fere with the interests of the colony. Yet in his relations 
with the State, on the other hand, the slave was more than 
chattel property, for he could be arrested, tried and punished 
according to the ordinary procedure unless the master inter- 
fered, and the master could be prevented from manumitting 
a slave where the slave would be liable to become a charge 
upon the community. These relations to the State, and espe- 
cially the relations to the master, were modified, we have 
seen, by the teaching and activity of the church. The 
church, perhaps more than any other one thing, determined 
the status of the slave in 1755, economic causes more than 
any other determined the extent of slavery at this time. 

in. THE SLAVE TRADE AND THE EXTENT OF SLAVERY. 

TJic Growth of the Slave Trade. It is necessary for us 
next to ascertain the extent of slavery in Rhode Island in 
1755, and first to consider the development of the slave trade, 
which determined largely the extent of slavery. 

In the earlier history of the colony there was a demand for 
labor which could be met only by the immigration of free 
labor, or the importation of slave labor. England encouraged 
it because it was more profitable to her commerce, and ex- 
pressed herself as anxious "for the well supplying of the 
plantations and colonies with sufliicient numbers of negroes at 
reasonable prices." ^ The colony engaged in it, on the other 
hand, because her merchants also found it profitable for them. 
They could get molasses in the West Indies, convert it into 
rum in their Rhode Island distilleries, exchange the rum in 

i"The assiento, a contract with the old French Guinea Company for 
furnishing Spanish America with negro slaves, was conveyed to the En- 
glish by the treaty of Utrecht (17 13) and assigned to the South Sea Com- 
pany, who thereby agreed to land 4,800 slaves annually for thirty years in 
the new world." Arnold., History of Rhode Island., II.., 4.8. 



SLAVERY IN RHODE ISLAND. 1 23 

Guinea for slaves and gold-dust, trade some of their slaves for 
more molasses again, and make after all a very handsome 
profit. For these reasons the slave trade in Rhode Island 
grew rapidly during the early years of the eighteenth century. 
Previous to this "Barbadoes was the source whence Rhode 
Island received most of her slaves. From twenty to thirty 
was the average annual supply, and from thirty to forty 
pounds each the usual price. No more than these could be 
disposed of, owing to the general dislike our planters have 
for them, by reason of their turbulent and unruly tempers, to 
the natural increase of those already here, and to the inclina- 
tion of our people in general to employ white servants before 
negroes." ^ In 1708 Governor Cranston said that from 1698 
to December 25, 1707, no negroes were imported into Rhode 
Island from Africa. That same year, however, the colony 
laid an import tax of three pounds on each negro imported, ~ 
and other acts followed which showed that the trade with 
Africa direct, or by way of the West Indies, was by this time 
well established. February 27, 1712, because the tax imposed 
in 1708 had been evaded, "for preventing clandestine impor- 
tations and exportations of passengers, or negroes, or Indian 
slaves into or out of this colony," an act was passed providing 
that masters of vessels should specify the number, sex and 
names of the slaves in their cargo, and the persons to whom 
they were consigned.^ July, 17 15, an act was passed to pro- 
hibit the importation of Indian slaves, because " divers con- 
spiracies, insurrections, rapes, thefts, and other execrable 
crimes have been lately perpetrated in this and the adjoining 
governments by Indian slaves, and the increase of them in 
this colony daily discourages the importing of white servants 
from Great Britain."^ Another act similar to the act of 1712 
was also passed, regulating further the importation of negro 
slaves. This provided that persons importing slaves " shall 
enter their number, names and sex in the naval office," and 

1 Arnold, " History of the State of Rhode Island," II., 32, quoting " R. 
I. Colonial Records," IV., 54. 

2 " R. I. Colonial Records," IV., 34. 
3R. I. Laws, 1730, p. 64. 

■* R. I. Laws, 1730, p. 82. 



124 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 

shall pay to the naval officer a tax of three pounds per head. 
This act applied to persons also, bringing negroes from ad- 
joining provinces, excepting travelers who did not remain in 
the colony more than six months, and excepting slaves im- 
ported directly from Africa. It directed a portion of the 
income from this tax to be expended for repairs on the streets 
of Newport. An act of 17171 ordered one hundred pounds 
more to be paid out of the impost duty fund for paving New- 
port streets. An act of June, 1729,2 ordered that half of the 
income from this duty be applied to street improvements in 
Newport, and half to the building and repair of "great bridges 
on the main." The impost law of 1712 was repealed in May, 
1732, by order of the king.^ It had been an important source 
of revenue to the colony, but its effect had been to restrict 
the slave trade to some extent, and so to injure the English 
interests. It was for this reason that it was repealed. The 
result of the repeal seems to have been favorable. Governor 
Hopkins stated ^ " that for more than thirty years prior to 
1764 Rhode Island sent to the coast annually eighteen vessels 
carrying 1,800 hhds. of rum. The commerce in rum and 
slaves afforded about ^^"40,000 per annum for remittance from 
Rhode Island to Great Britain." As the trade grew Newport 
became more and more the central market. Captain Isaac 
Freeman, with a coasting sloop, in 1752, wanted a cargo of 
men and molasses from Newport within five weeks. His 
correspondent wrote that the quantity could not be had in 
three months. " There are so many vessels lading for Guinea 
we can't get one hogshead of rum for the cash." ^ It is prob- 
able that the trade in Rhode Island was much more exten- 
sive than in the other New England colonies. Dr. John Eliot 
says : " The African trade was carried on in Massachusetts 
and commenced at an early period, but to a small extent com- 
pared with Rhode Island." Samuel Dexter says : "Vessels 
from Rhode Island have brought slaves into Boston. Whether 

i"R. I. Colonial Records," IV., 225. 

- R. I. Laws, 1730, p. 183. 

^" R. I. Colonial Records," IV., 471. 

4 " R. I. Colonial Records," VI., 380. 

■'^"American Historical Record," I., 316; Geo. C. Mason. 



SLAVERY IN RHODE ISLAND. 1 25 

any have been imported into that town by its own merchants 
I am unable to say." In the latter half of the century Rhode 
Island still maintained this pre-eminence, and its chief mart, 
Newport. During this period Bristol also became noted as a 
slave port, and Captain Simeon Potter, one of her famous 
slave traders, flourished about 1764; but before this, by 1755, 
the trade to Rhode Island had begun to fail. 

Reasons for the Decline of the Slave Trade. The decline 
of the slave trade and of slavery as an institution in Rhode 
Island in consequence, is due to both moral and economic 
causes. Some historians assert that slavery was wrong 
and therefore fell ; others that it fell because it was unprofit- 
able. In Rhode Island it fell both because it was wrong 
and because it was unprofitable ; public sentiment, usually 
expressed in religious terms among the colonists, pronounced 
it wrong ; public, and often individual action in this matter, 
was based on grounds of expediency, profit and loss. The 
motive of their procedure was moral, the method of their pro- 
cedure was calculative and utilitarian. 

The strongest moral force antagonistic to slavery was that 
presented by the faith and conduct of the Quakers, who for 
half a century dominated in the politics of the colony, and 
exerted a stronger influence upon the thought and activity of 
the colony than any other sect. It may, indeed, be ques- 
tioned whether the high moral spirit and endeavor of Roger 
Williams would not have been without conspicuous results 
had he not been followed by this Quaker succession. An. 
other strong moral force at work against slavery was that of 
the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign 
Parts. The activity of this society in the colony, already de- 
scribed, and the reading of the annual sermons delivered be- 
fore the society, a kind of literature at that time most influ- 
ential, did much to modify the relations of master and slave, 
and finally to do away with the system of slavery altogether. 

The physical and economic reasons for the decay of slavery 
in Rhode Island are more important. " The climate was too 
harsh, the social system too simple to engender a good eco- 
nomic employment of black labor. The simple industrial 



126 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 

methods of each New England homestead * * * made 
a natural barrier against an alien social system including 
either black or copper-colored dependents. The blacks soon 
dwindled in numbers, or dropped out from a life too severe 
for any but the hardiest and firmest-fibred races." ^ Added 
to these were two other, distinctly economic, causes : first, 
the diminished demand because of the multiplication of labor- 
ing white people, and second, the diminished supply and the 
increasing difficulty in getting slaves, especially good ones. 
Captain David Lindsay writes from Anamaboe in 1753 : 
" The Traid is so dull it is actuly a noof to make a man 
Creasy. * * * j never had so much Trouble in all 
my Voiges."^ Increased competition also acted with the 
diminished supply and demand to make the risks in the trade 
greater and the profits consequently less. 

Extent and Distribution of Slavery. These changes in the 
slave market determined the extent of slavery in Rhode 
Island from time to time. 

The following is a table of the population of Rhode Island 
at different dates : 

White Negroes, 

population. slave and free. 
1708 7,181 425 

1730 17,935 1,648 

1749 32,773 3,077 

1756 35,939 4,697 

1774 59,707 3,668 

Two explanations of this table are necessary. The census 
of 1730 did not include the towns east of the Bay, which were 
not added to the colony until 1746. This will account for a 
part of the increase of negroes appearing in 1748. Beside 
this, about 1730-48 Rhode Island merchants had traded 
largely to the West Indies, bringing back negroes as a part 
of their cargoes, and in 1732 the impost tax had been re- 
pealed. The falling off in the increase of negro population 

1 Wm. B. Weeden, " Economic and Social History of New England," 
p. 451. 
-"American Historical Record," I., 339. 



SLAVERY IN RHODE ISLAND. 1 27 

in the period between 1748 and 1756 is due to the fact that 
negroes, who made excellent seamen, were often induced by 
the masters of vessels to run away and go to sea. Allowing 
for these facts, an examination of the table shows that the 
negro population increased somewhat more rapidly than the 
white population during the first half of the eighteenth 
century. 

How then was this negro population distributed ? " Of the 
negroes and slaves in Rhode Island," says Potter,^ "the 
greater part were in a very few towns, Newport, North and 
South Kingstown, Warwick, Bristol, Portsmouth and James- 
town. By the census of 1748-9 the town of South Kingstown 
had more negroes in it than any other town except New- 
port. This is also true of the census of 1774 and 1783." In 
1774, out of a population of 3,668 negroes, Newport had 
1,246, South Kingstown 440, Providence 303, North Kings- 
town 211, Jamestown 131, Portsmouth 122, and Bristol 114. 
Earlier than this " King's county (now Washington), which 
contained one-third of the population of the State, numbered 
more than a thousand slaves. The census of 1730 gives a 
less number, but it was popular to conceal numbers from the 
observation of the home government. Families would aver- 
age from five to forty slaves each. They owned slaves in 
proportion to their means of support. The slaves and horses 
were about equal in number ; the latter were raised for ex- 
portation. Newport was the great slave market of New 
England. There were some importers of slaves in Narra- 
gansett ; among them were Rowland Robinson and Colonel 
Thomas Hazard." ^ In Newport there were twenty-two still- 
houses. "The large exportation of New England rum to 
Africa, which in return brought slaves, increased the wealth 
of the place to an astonishing degree. There were but few 
of her merchants that were not directly or indirectly inter- 
ested in the traffic. Some forty or fifty sail of vessels were 
in this employment, and it was thought a necessary append- 
age to have one or more slaves to act as domestics in their 

1 Report to R. I. Legislature, Jan., 1840. 

2E. R. Potter, Report to R. I. Legislature, Jan., 1840. 



128 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 

families." ^ Newport was then the centre of the trade, while 
the Narragansett Plantations were the stronghold of the 
institution of slavery. 

We have now given the nature and extent of slavery in 
Rhode Island in 1755, as determined by preceding thought 
and legislation, by existing institutions, and by the develop- 
ment of the slave trade. This discussion has been necessary 
to a clear understanding of the subsequent history of slavery 
in the colony. In fact, because of the paucity of material, 
this is not only a wise but the only possible presentation of 
the conditions of slavery in Rhode Island in 1755, for of legal 
records, public documents, literary remains, or private mem- 
oranda or correspondence for the year 1755, defining the 
nature and extent of slavery in the colony, there may be said 
to be nothing. We have next to consider how these condi- 
tions were modified by the different forces and institutions 
in the few years preceding the Revolution. 

1 Peterson, " History of Rhode Island," p. 104. 



SLAVERY IN RHODE ISLAND. 1 29 

PART II. 

SLAVERY BETWEEN 1755 AND 1776. 



I. SLAVE LEGISLATION. 

Latvs, 1755-1774- As has been said, negroes made excel- 
lent seamen, and were often induced to go to sea on privateers 
and merchant vessels, without consent of their owners. To 
prevent this an act was passed in 1757^ which provided that 
commanders of privateers or masters of any other vessels, 
carrying slaves out of the Colony without consent of their 
masters, should be fined twenty-six pounds ; owners of slaves 
carried off to recover double damages where the master of a 
vessel shall be deemed to have knowledge of a slave's being 
carried off ; masters of vessels resisting search to be judged 
knowing of such carrying off. In 1765 another act was passed 
regulating the manumission and freeing of negro and mulatto 
slaves. This act provided that the slave freed should pro- 
cure sufficient security to indemnify the town from charge. ^ 
In 1770 an act was passed " for breaking up disorderly Houses 
Kept by free Negroes and Mulattoes, and for putting out 
such Negroes and Mulattoes to Service." After repeating 
the provisions of the act of 175 1, for "breaking up from 
housekeeping " any free negro or mulatto who shall keep a 
disorderly house, "or entertain any Slave or Slaves at unrea- 
sonable Hours or in an extravagant Manner," the statute 
proceeds : 

"And if such free Negroes or Mulattoes have been Slaves, 
and manumitted by their Masters, the respective Town- 
Councils are hereby empowered (if they shall think proper) to 
put out, and bind them as Servants for a Term of Time not 
exceeding Four Years, upon such Conditions as they shall 
think most for the Interest of the Town : And to commit 

1" R. I. Colonial Records," VI., 64-5. 
^ R. I. Laws, 1767, p. 234. 



130 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 

them to the Work-House until suitable Places can be had for 
them," and " that the Wages of every free Negro or Mulatto, 
so bound out, which shall remain after the Expiration of his 
Servitude, and which shall not have been expended in main- 
taining him and his Family, be paid to such Servant, unless 
the Town-Council shall think it most for the Interest of the 
Town and of such Servant, to reserve the same for the Main- 
tenance of himself and his Family." ^ 

September 10, 1770, the laws for restraining Indian and 
colored servants, and regulating the manumission of slaves 
in Newport, were revised. Those found abroad after nine 
o'clock at night were to be confined in a cage, instead of the 
jail, till morning, and then to be whipped with ten stripes, 
unless redeemed for a small sum by their masters. In cases 
of manumission the owner was to give proper security that 
the subject would not become a public charge, and the free 
papers were to be recorded. Suitable penalties were imposed 
for violation of this law, and a failure to conform thereto in- 
validated an act of manumission. 2 The statute applied only 
to Newport, where, however, the greater portion of the 
slaves in the colony were held. A bill was also ordered to 
be prepared, to prevent the further importation of slaves into 
Rhode Island, but no action was had upon it at present. ^ 

The Law of Ijy^ ; Origin. In June, 1774, the most im- 
portant act* yet proposed was introduced into the Rhode 
Island legislature and passed. It read as follows : 

" Whereas the inhabitants of America are generally engaged 
in the preservation of their own rights and liberties, among 
which that of personal freedom must be considered as the 
greatest, and as those who are desirous of enjoying all the 
advantages of liberty themselves should be willing to extend 
personal liberty to others," etc., it is enacted that all slaves 
thereafter brought into the State shall be free, except slaves 
of persons traveling through the colony, or persons coming 

1 R. I. Laws, 1772, pp. 24, 25. 

2 Laws of 1772, pp. 34,37- 

3 Arnold, II., 304. 

4 " R. I. Colonial Records," VII., 251-2. 



SLAVERY IN RHODE ISLAND. I3I 

from Other colonies to reside, and that citizens of Rhode 
Island owning slaves shall be forbidden to bring any slaves 
into the colony, except they give bond to carry them out 
again in a year. 

As we have seen, in 1770, a bill had been ordered to be pre- 
pared to prevent the further importation of slaves into Rhode 
Island, but nothing further had been done. Meanwhile, in 
1772, the Sommersett decision had been given in England. ^ 
"The effect of this decision upon the colonies," says Arnold, 2 
"was to confirm the views already expressed by many writ- 
ers, to stimulate legislation against the system, and to hasten 
the emancipation of slaves in New England." 

At the Providence town meeting. May 17, 1774, Jacob 
Schoemaker having died intestate, and having left six negroes 
upon the town, it was voted " that it is unbecoming the char- 
acter of freemen to enslave the said negroes ; and they do 
hereby give up all claim of right or property in them, the said 
negroes, or either of them, and it is hereby recommended to 
the town council to take the said negroes under their protec- 
tion, and to bind the small children to some proper masters 
or mistresses, and in case they should not be personal estate 
of the said Jacob Schoemaker, sufficient to pay his just debts, 
it is further recommended to said council to bind out either 
or both of the adult negroes for that purpose," and " Whereas, 
the inhabitants of America are engaged in the preservation of 
their rights and liberties ; and as personal liberty is an essen- 
tial part of the rights of mankind, the deputies of the town 
are directed to use their endeavors to obtain an act of the 
General Assembly, prohibiting the importation of negro slaves 

1 In this case Lord Mansfield decided that the slave Sommersett must be 
discharged because there was no positive law sanctioning the institution 
of slavery in England. 

" The importance of the case for the colonies lay not in the assertion of 
the principle that slavery depended on positive law, for the American 
statute books were full of positive law on slavery ; the precedent thus es- 
tablished determined the future course of England against the delivery of 
fugitives, whether from her colonies or from other countries." Marion 
McDougall, " Fugitive Slaves,''' p. 12. 

-History of Rhode Island," II., 321-2. 



132 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 

into this colony ; and that all negroes born in the colony 
should be free, after attaining to a certain age." 

Of the town deputies Stephen Hopkins was one, and to 
him has been given the credit for the passage of the subse- 
quent act in the legislature. Mr. Sidney Rider says ^ on this 
point, "There is nothing contained in the town records to 
show that Mr. Hopkins was present at the meeting, nor can 
we find anything to connect him with the passage of the pre- 
amble or with the law itself ; nevertheless the style is very 
like his style, and the mode of reasoning is his favorite mode. 
He may have written it." Mr. Foster says- that "at the 
direct instance of Stephen Hopkins (himself for many years 
an owner of slaves, though a most humane master), the Gen- 
eral Assembly ordained" that slaves thereafter brought into 
the colony should be free ; * * "The letter of Moses 
Brown to Robert Wain distinctly states . that ' Governor 
Hopkins was a member of the Assembly from Providence, 
and was the person who dictated to me the following pream- 
ble to the act.' " It is probable that Hopkins was an active 
factor in the formulation, the introduction and the passage of 
the act. The fact, however, that strong pressure had been 
brought to bear upon him by the Society of Friends to set at 
liberty one of his own slaves, that he did not accede to this 
demand, that subsequent efforts, continued from month to 
month, appear to have been equally unavailing, that he was 
finally dropped from membership in the society, and that he 
did not emancipate his slave until his will in 1781 ; these facts, 
I say, together with our knowledge of the state of the public 
mind at the time, and the restless activities of Moses Brown, 
lead me to believe that Hopkins was not the most active 
factor, but that the individual who did most for the passage of 
the act was Moses Brown. But while Moses Brown, with the 
assistance of Stephen Hopkins, formulated the measure, the 
immediate reason for its formulation and introduction was the 
action of the Providence town meeting, and the reason for 
the passage of the measure lay in the state of public opinion 
at the time regarding slavery. Now, as in 1652, we see that 

1 " R. I. Historical Tracts," No. 9, p. xix. 

- " R. I. Historical Tracts," No. 19, pp. 99, 249. 



SLAVERY IN RHODE ISLAND. 1 33 

it was in the northern and more democratic part of the colony 
that the anti-slavery sentiment was most developed, and ex- 
ercised the strongest influence upon legislation, first in re- 
gard to the slave trade, and afterwards in regard to the insti- 
tution of slavery itself. Neither to any one individual nor to 
the colony as a whole is due this act against the importation 
of slaves, but largely to the economic and moral conditions of 
the northern half of the colony. 

November, 1775, a bill for emancipation was introduced 
into the legislature. The abolition of the slave trade had 
been accomplished more than a year before. It was now pro- 
posed to terminate the system of chattel slavery by declaring 
free "all negroes as well as other persons hereafter born 
within this colony," and to provide for the liberation of exist- 
ing slaves at the will of the owners by proper regulations. 
This bill was referred to the next session of the legislature, 
and it was voted " that in the meantime a copy thereof be 
published in the Newport and Providence newspapers, and 
that the deputies of each town in the colony lay the same be- 
fore their constituents in town meeting, and obtain their 
opinions thereon and present the same to the General Assem- 
bly, at their next session." In accordance with these instruc- 
tions the Smithfield deputies were ordered by their constitu- 
ents to make the bill a law. In this same year the amount 
necessary as security in case of manumission was made one 
thousand pounds. This change was probably necessary on 
account of the depreciation of currency. 

Character of Slave Legislation. Slave legislation in Rhode 
Island may be divided into three classes. The first was char- 
acteristically in the interest of the master. Laws were made 
to prevent slaves escaping from masters, and to prevent their 
being absconded by masters of vessels. The second class 
was in the interest of the colony. Negroes were forbidden to 
be abroad after nine o'clock at night, security was to be given 
for negroes upon their being freed, strong liquors were not 
to be sold to them, disorderly houses kept, by negroes were to 
be broken up, and a revenue was to be derived from the im- 
portation of slaves. The third class of legislation was that 



134 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 

enacted in the interests of the slave himself. This consisted 
of laws regulating and then abolishing the importation of 
slaves, and laws restricting or prohibiting the holding of 
slaves. Legislation of the first kind continued until active 
legislation began against slaveholding. The first and third 
forms of legislation are accordingly distinct in time, though 
they are not as distinct in time as they are in form, for even 
before it was thought necessary to legislate in the interest of 
the master, two laws had been placed on the statute books in 
the interests of the slave, namely the laws of 1652 and 1675-6. 
This fact leads me to believe that the interests of the owner 
of slaves were never considered of paramount importance ex- 
cept where they were one with the interests of the colony 
itself. The number of owners of slaves was comparatively 
so small, moreover, that, although their social influence was 
great, it could not be expected that legislation would be di- 
rected by them, and in their interests alone. The interests 
of the slave importer and those of the colony were, perhaps, 
even less nearly allied. Slavery was the life of trade, but it 
was not therefore necessary that slaves should be brought to 
Rhode Island, it was argued. So the law of 1774 must be 
considered not so much a blow at slave trade as a blow at the 
ownership of slaves in Rhode Island. The slave trade carried 
on by Rhode Island vessels flourished many years after this 
date, and slavery itself flourished for a time, but such limita- 
tions were already placed upon it as insured its final extinc- 
tion. There was no emancipation proclamation, there were 
no distinct slavery and anti-slavery parties, but there were 
other anti-slavery conditions, economic, social and moral, 
which made the abolition of slavery in the course of events 
an absolute necessity. 

II. SOCIAL LIFE OF THE SLAVES. 

TJie Sale of Slaves. The social life of the slave in Rhode 
Island was similar to that of a servant in an old English 
family of that period. Our knowledge of the slave's social 
position and social attainments is derived largely from news- 
paper advertisements of the time, and from family records. 



SLAVERY IN RHODE ISLAND. 1 35 

Upon the arrival of a cargo of slaves they were put up at 
auction by the master of the vessel, or by some merchant of 
the town. These auction sales were held at the old inns. 
October 14, 1766, a negro was advertised for sale by auction, 
at the Crown Coffee House opposite to the Court-House in 
Providence.^ In the case of private sales of slaves the printer 
often acted as broker. For example, an advertisement in the 
Providence Gazette, March 4, 1775, reads, somewhat face- 
tiously, " to be sold, a young negro girl born in this town, 
about 16 years of age, very active, strong and healthy. Would 
do exceedingly well on a farm, is good natured, has other good 
qualities, and like the rest of the world has some bad ones, 
though none very criminal." 

Social Attainments. Some of these advertisements indi- 
cate considerable ability in the slaves, especially the adver- 
tisements for runaway slaves. These advertisements were 
often headed by the rude cut of a black man, hatless and with 
frizzled head, running. One advertisement in the Newport 
Mercury, November 3, 1761, speaks of an escaped negro who 
speaks good English, and is " very artful and insinuating." 
Others maybe mentioned: July 9, 1763, "ran away Sarah 
Hammet, a lusty mulatto slave, about thirty eight, wore a 
dark colored camblet short wrapper, old grey petticoat very 
much patched, brown camblet bonnet, is polite, ingenious at 
drawing, embroidering, and almost any kind of curious needle- 
work." October 16, 1773, "ran away Caesar * * plays 
well on the violin." 

Newport Gardner was one of the most celebrated negro 
characters of this time. " In his person he was tall and 
straight and well formed ; in his manners he was dignified 
and unassuming." He was a man, too, of superior powers of 
mind. " He taught himself to read after receiving a few 
lessons on the elements of written language. He taught 
himself to sing, after receiving a very trivial initiation into 
the rudiments of music. He became so well acquainted with 
the science and art of music that he composed a large number 
of tunes, and was for a long time the teacher of a very numer- 

1 " R. I. Historical Tracts," No. 15, p. 207. 



136 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 

ously attended singing school in Newport." ^ He could also 
, write, cipher, and speak French. His one failing in common 
with many other negroes was a love for drink. 

Knowledge of Trades. In the trades many acquired some 
proficiency. The Newport Mcrcitry, April 27, 1772, advertises 
a negro blacksmith who makes anchors ; May 13, 1775, a 
negro who has worked in a rope-walk and spins a good thread. 
The Providence Garjettc, July 28, 1770, advertises as missing 
" Guam, aged thirty, by trade a cooper, strayed probably in a 
delirious condition, is of a serious thoughtful turn of mind, 
and inclined to talk but little." November 7, 1775, "ran 
away, Guinea, a clothier by trade, sometimes pedlar of choco- 
lat, gingerbread, Indico and sieve buttons." Advertisements 
often recommend servants as capable of either town or coun- 
try service. Advertised wants indicate to some extent the 
demand. Mercury, February 15, 1773, "wanted two negro 
boys from twelve to seventeen for gentlemen in towns ; " 
August 7, 1773, wanted, negro from sixteen to twenty-five, 
"free from bad smell, strait limbed, active healthy, good tem- 
pered, honest, sober, quick at apprehension, and not used to 
run away." These advertisements do not indicate a demand 
for slaves in any particular locality, or for any particular pur- 
pose other than general service. The slaves received their 
industrial and social training in the home of their first master, 
and if they learned easily and were faithful, were seldom sold. 
This fact, together with the fact of the increasing competi- 
tion of free labor, shows why there were apparently so few 
slaves acquainted with the trades, and why in reality this 
number became less and less as the population of the colony 
increased. 

Occupations. In the domestic work of the colonial house- 
hold the slave boys were given the errands and the light 
service about the house. Some of the families in Providence, 
for example, had rain-water cisterns for their chief supply of 
water, " but these were few, and it fell to the lot of the boys, 
some of whom were negroes, to go with two pails and a hoop 

1 Ferguson's " Memoir of Hopkins," p. 90. 



SLAVERY IN RHODE ISLAND. 1 37 

across the bridge for a supply at the town pump." ^ Another 
common watering place was the Mooshassuc, which was the 
only accessible fresh stream. "The murmurs of ancient in- 
habitants against the brawls and disturbances of boys and 
negroes, who, morning and evening, congregated near the 
mill, with their masters' cattle, assure us that the early days 
of Providence had a delightful experience of patriarchal man- 
ners. * * The annoyance had become so great that an 
act of the Assembly, 168 1, was passed in order to give some 
check to the disturbances. By a communication in the 
Gazette, March 30, 1765, however, it appears that the nuisance 
was still unabated. The boys and negroes still disturbed the 
quiet of the Town street by ' riding in droves ' to Mill River 
(the Mooshassuc), every morning and evening, racing as they 
went, without hindrance from the constables of those days." - 
In the south country " every member of the family had his 
particular horse and servant, and they rarely rode unattended 
by their servant to open gates and to take charge of the 
horse." 3 In Narragansett we find that Robert Hazard had 
twelve negro women as dairy women, each of whom had a 
girl to assist her. "Each dairy maid had the care of twelve 
cows, and they were expected to make from one to two dozen 
cheeses every day." * Slaves were sometimes hired out when 
there was nothing at home for them to do. Hezekiah Coffin 
writes to Moses Brown, October 29, 1763, "send us word 
by the first opportunity what the negroes wages was, that we 
may settle with his master." 

Care for Slaves ; Amusements. The quarters of the slaves 
were in the garrets of the large old mansion houses and in 
the outhouses. They were generally comfortable, if we can 
judge anything from the scanty figures regarding mortality. ^ 

The slaves were dressed very much as the circumstances 

i Stone, " Life of Rowland," p. 25. 
•-"R. I. Historical Tracts," No. 15, p. 57- 

3 Channing, " Early Recollections of Newport," p. 91. 

4 Higginson, " Larger History of the United States," p. 237. 

5 Newport " Mercury," December 28, 1772, gives tlie mortality for New- 
port, 1760, whites 17s, blacks 52 ; 1772, whites 205, blacks 51. 



138 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 

of their masters and the nature of their occupations would 
permit. Advertisements of runaway slaves gave descriptions 
of the clothing worn at the time as a means of identification. 
The Mercury, February 23, 1773, advertises a runaway negro 
man "Jack, wore striped flannel shirt, buckskin breeches, 
dark striped waistcoat, butternut barkcolored lappelled jacket, 
grey homemade bearskin great coat, new with large metal 
buttons, one pair of blue yarn stockings, one pair black ribbed 
worsted stockings, calfskin turned pumps, pinchbeck buckles, 
felt hat." Another runaway negro is described as having 
taken with him several articles of apparel so as not to be de- 
scribed by that. This was probably true of many who ran 
away. For this reason the description of the clothing worn 
by runaways cannot be relied upon as an exact account of the 
clothing generally worn by slaves. 

The amusements of the slaves were like those of the 
English servants. The old corn-huskings of Narragansett 
were greatly enjoyed by the negroes. For these, invitations 
were sent out to all the friends in the neighborhood, and in 
return the invited guests sent their slaves to aid the host by 
their services. "After the repast the recreations of dancing 
commenced, as every family was provided with a large hall in 
their spacious mansions, and with natural musicians among 
their slaves. These seasons of hilarity and festivity — some- 
times continuing for days— were as gratifying to the slaves as 
to their masters, as bountiful preparations were made, and 
like amusements were enjoyed by them in the large kitchens 
and outhouses, the places of their residence." 1 Holidays 
were also observed by the negroes, often independently of 
master or mistress. " I remember," says Mr. Hazard, "when 
on the spacious kitchen being removed from the old John 
Robinson house, there were sixty ox-cart loads of beach sand 
taken from beneath the sleepers, which had been used to sand 
the floor, a large portion of which, no doubt, had been danced 
through the cracks by the jolly darkies of the olden time, who 
in some instances permitted their masters' families to be 
present at their Christmas and holiday pastimes as a matter 
of favor only. " Often the distinctions between master and 
IT. R. Hazard, " Recollections of Olden Times," p. 119. 



SLAVERY IN RHODE ISLAND. 1 39 

slave disappeared altogether. "The children of the two," 
says Mason,^ " grew up together. The ties thus formed were 
often stronger than life. The loss sustained by the master 
was felt by the slave, and the disappointment of the one was 
a matter of regret with the other. And frequently the slave, 
rather than see his master turned out of doors, placed at his 
disposal the little that he had saved of his earnings. The 
servant expected to work for his master as long as he was 
able, and when he grew old and infirm he relied on being 
cared for by some member of the family. In this he was 
rarely mistaken. Those persons who can call to mind the 
kitchens of a former generation will remember the old pen- 
sioners who gathered in them. * * The slaves took 
the names of their masters. When they were ill the family 
physician attended them. When the girl who first played 
with her young mistress and then became her maid, was 
about to be married, she had a becoming outfit, and the cler- 
gyman who united the daughter united the maid. And when 
at last death claimed a victim, black and white mingled their 
tears at the open grave." This care which masters had for 
their servants is indicated in a letter which Jabez Brown 
wrote to his brother Moses, September 21, 1770: "Your 
negro boy Pero was knocked down by a paving stone hitting 
him on the back part of the head. He was taken up for 
Dead. But by bleeding etc pretty soon came to. He seems 
very comfortable, this morning and am in Hopes he will get 
about in a few Days, the Affair was perpetrated by an Irish 
man a Hatter by Trade, he has Secreted himself for the Pres- 
ent. I shall endeavor to have him apprehended if possible." 

Election Day. One of the most interesting social customs 
among the Rhode Island slaves was the observance of elec- 
tion day. " In imitation of the whites, the negroes held an 
annual election on the third Saturday in June, when they 
elected their governor. When the slaves were numerous each 
town held its own election. This annual festivity was looked 
for with great anxiety. Party was as violent and acrimonious 
with them as among the whites. The slaves assumed the 

1 " Reminiscences of Newport," p. 106. 



140 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 

power and pride, and took the relative rank of their masters, 
and it was degrading to the reputation of the owner if his 
slave appeared in inferior apparel, or with less money than 
the slave of another master of equal wealth. The horses of 
the wealthy land-owners were on this day all surrendered to 
the use of the slaves, and with cues real or false, head poma- 
tumed or powdered, cocked hat, mounted on the best Narra- 
gansett pacers, sometimes with their masters' sword, with 
their ladies on pillions, they pranced to election, which com- 
menced generally at ten o'clock. The canvass for votes soon 
commenced, the tables with refreshments were spread, and 
all friends of the respective candidates were solicited to par- 
take, and as much anxiety and interest would manifest itself, 
and as much family pride and influence was exercised and 
interest created, as in other elections, and preceded by weeks 
oi parmateering (parliamenteering). About one o'clock the 
vote would be taken, by ranging the friends of the respective 
candidates in two lines under the direction of a chief marshal, 
with assistants. This was generally a tumultuous crisis until 
the count commenced, when silence was proclaimed, and after 
that no man could change sides or go from one rank to the 
other. The chief marshal announced the number of votes for 
each candidate and in an audible voice proclaimed the name 
of the Governor elected for the ensuing year. The election 
treat corresponded in extravagance in proportion to the 
wealth of his master. The defeated candidate was, accord- 
ing to custom, introduced by the chief marshal, and drank 
the first toast after the inauguration, and all animosities were 
forgotten. At dinner the Governor was seated at the head 
of the long table under trees or an arbor, with the unsuccess- 
ful candidate at his right, and his lady on the left. The after- 
noon was spent in dancing, games of quoits, athletic exercises, 
etc. As the slaves decreased in number these elections be- 
came more concentrated. In 1795 elections were held in 
North and South Kingstown, and in a few years, one 
was held in South Kingstown only, and they have for years 
ceased." ^ 

1 Updike, " History of the Narragansett Church," p. 177. 



SLAVERY IN RHODE ISLAND. I4I 

Free Negroes. We have already spoken of the condition of 
the free negro during the first half of the century. In the 
latter half of the century the manumission of slaves was a far 
more common occurrence, and the number of free negroes 
was consequently much greater. The most conspicuous 
among these, beside Newport Gardner, was Emanuel, an 
emancipated slave of Gabriel Bernon. " Turning to account 
the hereditary talent of his race, he established in Providence 
the first oyster house of which there is any record. It was in 
the Town street, near the site of the Old Custom House of a 
later day. To satisfy the craving of a thirsty generation he 
provided twenty-three drinking glasses, four ' juggs,' twenty- 
eight glass bottles, two bowls, with pewter plates, spoons, 
and cooking apparatus in proportion. The knowledge which 
he had acquired during his former service, ensured his pros- 
perity. He was the first of a long line of such ministers to 
the public wants. Dying in 1769, he left a house and lot in 
Stampers street (where his wife carried on the trade of wash- 
ing), and personal estate valued at ;^539, los. His grave- 
stone in the North Burying ground is as substantial a memo- 
rial as those of most of the wealthier white men of his day." ^ 

III. THE CHURCH AND THE SLAVE. 

Chajiging Attitude Toward Slavery. During the years pre- 
ceding the Revolution the attitude of the church toward 
slavery changed materially. Negro slaves came to be re- 
garded less as heathen and subjects for missionary effort, and 
more as men, with rights to equal liberties with other men. 
On this point, the right of slavery, the position of the church 
became now more clearly defined. The Church of England, 
the Society of Friends, and Samuel Hopkins' church, were 
the ecclesiastical bodies most prominent in this movement. 
The position of the Church of England is best determined by 
an inspection of the annual sermons preached before the So- 
ciety for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, and 
of the records of the same society. 

1 " R. I. Historical Tracts," No. 15, p. i77- 



142 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 

Church of England ; Semions. In 1755 Bishop Hayter 
preached the annual sermon. After showing that there could 
be no property in souls, he continued : " Let us administer to 
them the comfort of knowing, what good things God hath 
laid up in store for them if they act a right part, in that trying 
state of labor, in which God hath placed them under us. By 
thus alleviating their hard lot, and rendering it more easy and 
supportable to them we shall gain an advantage for ourselves, 
for it is the natural effect of such instruction to turn the eye- 
service of slaves into the conscientious diligence of servants. 
If we are not sufficiently actuated by the spirit of the gospel 
to be influenced by motives of humanity, let prudential rea- 
sons incline us to administer this Christian consolation to our 
fellow creatures, who are so strictly our property and so ab- 
solutely in our power that no one else can take upon him to 
help them without our leave and direction." In 1759 Bishop 
Ellis said : " The advantage of making good Christians even 
of the negro slaves, will also be very worthy of consideration. 
For in proportion as their obstinacy, sullenness, and eager- 
ness for revenge shall come to be abated and altered by reli- 
gion they will make better servants : And instead of need- 
ing to be always watched in order to prevent their doing 
mischief they may become guards and defenders of their 
masters, and there will be no longer any such revolts and in- 
surrections among them as have sometimes been detrimental, 
if not even dangerous, to several of the colonies." In 1766 
Bishop Warburton said in the course of his sermon, " The cru- 
elty of certain planters, with respect to the temporal accom- 
modations of these poor wretches, and the irreligious negli- 
gence with regard to their spiritual, is become a general 
scandal." In 1769 Bishop Newton said : " As it is now gen- 
erally known and understood that Christianity maketh no 
alteration in men's civil rights and conditions, but every man 
is to abide in the same calling wherein he was called, whether 
to be bond or free, it is to be hoped that the proprietors and 
planters will be less jealous of their slaves being instructed 
in the true religion, which will soften and improve their 
manners, and make them subject not only for fear but 
for conscience sake, with good will doing service as to the 



SLAVERY IN RHODE ISLAND. 1 43 

Lord and not to men ; " still, he adds, slavery is to be much 
lamented. 

Results. The results of this prudential reasoning upon the 
policy of the church in the colonies, and upon the attitude of 
masters toward their slaves are evident. The best illustra- 
tion, perhaps, of the effect on the policy of the church, is the 
well known anecdote of the good elder whose ventures had 
uniformly turned out well, and who always returned thanks 
on the Sunday following the arrival of a slaver in the harbor 
of Newport, " that an overruling Providence had been pleased 
to bring to this land of freedom another cargo of benighted 
heathen to enjoy the blessing of a gospel dispensation." ^ In 
very much the same spirit Dr. Waterhouse said : "To see the 
negro women in their black hoods and blue aprons, walking 
at a respectful distance behind their master, to meeting, was 
not an unpleasant sight on those days." Its effect on the re- 
lations of master and slave was similar. In the earlier years 
of the century, as we have seen, masters were opposed to the 
baptism and to the education of their slaves. This opposi- 
tion became less pronounced, in time, and less noticeable, 
and missionaries no longer made complaint of the masters. 
Still the number of slaves baptised did not increase percepti- 
bly. The records of St. John's Church, Providence, then 
King's Church, show that three slaves were baptised in 1758, 
three in 1759, one in 1760, two in 1762, one in 1764, two in 
1765, one in 1766, and two in 1775. The reports of Trinity 
Church, Newport, show in 1763 one baptism, in 1765 one. 
In the latter year the total number of communicants was 120, 
seven of whom were blacks, " who," the report says, " behave 
in a manner truly exemplary and praiseworthy." 

Education. Efforts made to educate the slaves were not 
more successful. In 173 1 there had been a bequest of land 
and four hundred pounds to build a school-house in Newport. 
January 9, 1763, the Reverend Marmaduke Browne, rector of 
Trinity Church, wrote the Society for the Propagation of the 
Gospel in Foreign Parts, and said that at the instance of the 

^G. C. Mason, in "American Historical Record," L, 312. 



144 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 

associates of the late Dr. Bray, and with the hearty concur- 
rence of the society he had opened a school for the instruc- 
tion of negro children. This school, he said, was to consist 
of fifteen of each sex, was to be under his inspection, and 
would, he trusted, answer the intentions of the charitable 
persons concerned in it. August 3, 1772, the Newport Mer- 
cury gave notice of " a school opened by Mrs. Mary Brett, at 
her home, for the instruction of thirty negro children gratis, 
in reading, sewing, etc., agreeable to a benevolent institution 
of a company of gentlemen in London. N. B., satisfaction will 
be given to those who may send their young blacks." These 
three records are probably made respecting one institution, 
but whether they are or not, the fact that masters did little 
to encourage the education of their slaves cannot be doubted, 
especially in view of a subsequent item in the Mercury. This 
appeared March 29, 1773, and stated that on account of the 
difficulty in getting thirty negro children for the school, the 
project would be given up in six months if still unsuccessful. 

Quakers. In contrast with the calculative philosophy which 
actuated the dominant thought, both economic and political 
and religious, of the time, stood the faith and activity of the 
Society of Friends. The Friends acted rather upon grounds 
of principle than for prudential reasons. They did not ques- 
tion so much as to whether slaves should be admitted to 
church membership and education, but fundamentally as to 
whether they should be free. 

In 1729 the practice of importing negroes was censured. 
In 1758 a rule was adopted prohibiting Friends within the 
limits of the New England Yearly Meeting from engaging in 
or countenancing the foreign slave trade. ^ In 1760 John 
Woolman visited the yearly meeting held in Newport. " He 
saw the horrible traffic in human beings, — the slave ships 
lying at the wharves of the town, — the sellers and buyers of 
men and women and children thronging the market place. 
The same abhorrent scenes which a few years after stirred 
the spirit of the excellent Hopkins to denounce the slave 
trade and slavery as hateful in the sight of God to his con- 

^Whittier's introduction to John Woolman's " Journal," p. 9. 



SLAVERY IN RHODE ISLAND. 1 45 

gregation at Newport, were enacted in the full view and 
hearing of the annual convocation of Friends, many of whom 
were themselves partakers in the shame and wickedness." ^ 
"The great number of slaves in these parts," says Wool- 
man, "and the continuance of that trade from thence to 
Guinea, made a deep impression on me, and my cries were 
often put up to my Heavenly Father in secret, that he would 
enable me to discharge my duty faithfully in such way as he 
might be pleased to point out to me. * * * Under- 
standing that a large number of slaves had been imported 
from Africa into that town, and were then on sale by a mem- 
ber of our society, my appetite failed, and I grew outwardly 
weak and had a feeling of the condition of Habakkuk, as thus 
expressed : * When I heard, my belly trembled, my lips quiv- 
ered, I trembled in myself, that I might rest in the day of 
trouble.' I had many cogitations and was sorely distressed. 
I was desirous that Friends might petition the Legislature to 
use their endeavors to discourage the future importation of 
slaves, for I saw that this trade was a great evil, and tended 
to multiply troubles, and to bring distresses on the people for 
whose welfare my heart was deeply concerned. But I per- 
ceived several difficulties in regard to petitioning, and such 
was the exercise of my mind that I thought of endeavoring to 
get an opportunity to speak a few words in the House of 
Assembly, then sitting in town. This exercise came upon me 
in the afternoon on the second day of the Yearly Meeting, 
and on going to bed I got no sleep till my mind was wholly 
resigned thereto. In the morning I inquired of a Friend 
how long the Assembly was likely to continue sitting, who 
told me it was expected to be prorogued that day or the next. 
As I was desirous to attend the business of the meeting, and 
perceived the Assembly was likely to separate before the 
business was over, after considerable exercise, humbly seeking 
to the Lord for instruction, my mind settled to attend on the 
business of the meeting ; on the last day of which I had pre- 
pared a short essay of a petition to be presented to the Leg- 
islature, if way opened. And being informed that there 
were some appointed by that Yearly Meeting to speak with 

1 Whittier's introduction to John Woolman's " Journal," pp. 25, 26. 



146 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 

those in authority on cases relating to the Society, I opened 
my mind to several of them, and showed them the essay I 
had made, and afterwards I opened the case in the meeting 
for business, in substance as follows : 

" ' I have been under a concern for some time on account 
of the great number of slaves which are imported into this 
colony. I am aware that it is a tender point to speak to, but 
apprehend I am not clear in the sight of Heaven without 
doing so. I have prepared an essay of a petition to be pre- 
sented to the Legislature, if way open ; and what I have to 
propose to this meeting is that some Friends may be named 
to withdraw and look over it, and report whether they believe 
it suitable to be read in the meeting. If they should think 
well of reading it, it will remain for the meeting to consider 
whether to take any further notice of it, as a meeting, or not.' 
After a short conference some Friends went out, and looking 
over it, expressed their willingness to have it read, which being 
done, many expressed their unity with the proposal, and some 
signified that to have the subjects of the petition enlarged 
upon, and signed out of meeting by such as were free, would 
be more suitable than to do it there." ^ 

Action by the Quakers ; Sentiment Agai?ist the Slave Trade, 
hs, a result of the words of Woolman, the London Epistle for 
1758, condemning the unrighteous traffic in men, was read, 
and the substance of it embodied in the discipline of the 
meeting as follows : " We fervently warn all in profession 
with us that they be careful to avoid being any way concerned 
in reaping the unrighteous profits of that unrighteous practice 
of dealing in negroes and other slaves ; whereby in the orig- 
inal purchase one man selleth another as he does the beast 
that perishes, without any better pretension to a property in 
him than that of superior force, in direct violation of the 
gospel rule, which teaches every one to do as he would be 
done by, and to do good unto all ; being the reverse of that 
covetous disposition which furnishes encouragement to those 
poor, ignorant people to perpetuate their savage wars, in order 
to supply the demands of this most unnatural traffic, whereby 

^ Woolman's " Journal," pp. 162-5. 



SLAVERY IN RHODE ISLAND. 1 47 

great numbers of mankind, free by nature, are subjected to 
inextricable bondage, and which hath often been observed 
to fill their possessors with haughtiness and tyranny, luxury 
and barbarity, corrupting the minds and debasing the morals 
of their children, to the unspeakable prejudice of religion and 
virtue and the exclusion of that holy spirit of universal love, 
meekness, and charity, which is the unchangeable nature and 
the glory of true Christianity. We therefore can do no less 
than with the greatest earnestness impress it upon Friends 
everywhere that they endeavor to keep their hands clear of 
this unrighteous gain of oppression. * * It is also re- 
commended to Friends who have slaves in possession to treat 
them with tenderness, impress God's fear on their minds, 
promote their attending places of religious worship and give 
those that are young at least so much learning that they may 
be capable of reading." 

The following query was adopted in agreement with the 
foregoing, to be answered by the subordinate meetings : "Are 
Friends clear of importing negroes, or buying them when im- 
ported ; and do they use those well, where they are possessed 
by inheritance or otherwise, endeavoring to train them up in 
principles of religion ? " 

At the close of the yearly meeting John Woolman called 
together some of the leading members about Newport who 
held slaves. "About the eighth hour the next morning," 
says he, " we met in the meeting-house chamber, the last 
mentioned country Friend, my companion, and John Storer, ^ 
being with us. After a short time of retirement, I acquainted 
them with the steps I had taken in procuring that meeting, 
and opened the concern I was under, and we then proceeded 
to a free conference upon the subject. My exercise was 
heavy, and I was deeply bowed in spirit before the Lord, who 
was pleased to favor with the seasoning virtue of truth, which 
wrought a tenderness amongst us ; and the subject was mutu- 
ally handled in a calm and peaceable spirit. At length, feel- 
ing my mind released from the burden which I had been 
under, I took my leave of them in a good degree of satisfac- 

1 John Storer was from England. It was probably through him that the 
London letter was introduced. 



148 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 

tion ; and by the tenderness they manifested in regard to the 
practice, and the concern several of them expressed in rela- 
tion to the manner of disposing of their negroes after their 
decease, I believed that a good exercise was spreading amongst 
them." 1 

In 1769 the Rhode Island Quarterly Meeting proposed to 
the Yearly Meeting such an amendment of the query of 1760 
as should not imply that the holding of slaves was allowed. 
This was an important step, for before this no one had gone 
farther than to censure the importing of slaves. The Yearly 
Meeting, accordingly, was not ready to do more than express 
its sense of the wrongfulness of holding slaves, and appoint a 
committee to visit those members who were concerned in 
keeping slaves, and endeavor to persuade them from the 
practice. 

June 7, 1770, the committee appointed at the previous 
yearly meeting announced that they had visited most of the 
members belonging to the Yearly Meeting who possessed 
slaves, " had labored with them respecting setting such at 
liberty that were suitable for freedom, and that their visits 
mostly seemed to be kindly accepted. Some Friends mani- 
fested a disposition to set such at liberty as were suitable, 
some others, not having so clear a light of such an unreason- 
able servitude as could be desired, were unwilling to comply 
with the advice given them at present, yet seemed willing to 
take it into consideration, a few others which we have with 
sorrow to remark were mostly of the Elder sort manifested a 
disposition to keep them still in continued state of bondage." 

An example of the first class of men is to be found in the 
records of the South Kingstown monthly meeting for 1757, 
when "This meeting Received a paper of Richard Smith as 
his testimony against Keeping Slaves and his Intention to 
free his negro girl which paper he hath a mind to lay before 
the Quarterly meeting all which is Referred for further con- 
sideration." ^ These persons freed their slaves either of their 
own accord or at the first suggestion from Friends, but per- 

1 Woolman's '• Journal," pp. 167-8. 

2 MS. Records of South Kingstown Monthly Meeting, I., 82, quoted by 
Miss Caroline Hazard, " College Tom," p. 169. 



SLAVERY IN RHODE ISLAND. 1 49 

sons of the third class who were possessed with the ideas of 
the previous century were very slow about manumitting their 
slaves. "One of the Rodmans, a few years later, was in 
trouble over a slave. He was condemned by his own meet- 
ing, but appealed to the quarterly meeting, which confirmed 
the judgement of the monthly meeting given against him, 'on 
account of his buying a negro slave,' and ' it is the mind of 
friends that there ought to go out a publick Testimony & 
Denial ' of the purchaser, which was accordingly done, and a 
solemn ' paper of f rd^ Testimony of Disowning ' was read at 
the end of a First-day meeting." ^ Another famous slave case 
was that of the Rathbuns, which was before the Kingstown 
monthly meeting eight years. Joshua Rathbun, having 
bought a slave, is brought to confess his error, as follows : 

"Westerly the 27th of ye 12 mo 1765 
To the monthly meeting of friends to be held at Richmond next 

Dear Friends. I hereby acknowledge that I have acted Disorderly 
in purchasing a Negro Slave which Disorder I was Ignorant of, at the 
time of the purchase, but having conversed with several friends upon the 
Subject of Slavery have gained a Knowledge that heretofore I was Igno- 
rant of, both as to the Rules of our Society, as well as the nature & incon- 
sistancy of making Slaves of our fellow Creatures, am therefore free to 
condemn that Inconsiderate act and Desire Friends to pass it by, hoping 
that I may be preserved from all conduct that may bring Uneasiness 
Upon friends for the future am willing likewise to take the advice of 
Friends both as to the bringing up and Discharging of the Aforesd negro. 

Joshua Rathbun." 2 

This, as Miss Hazard justly says, expressed very clearly 
what must have been the general feeling of the day in regard to 
slavery, and sounds like an honest change of heart. Yet half 
a dozen years later it appears that Rathbun had assigned the 
negro girl to his son, who had promised to free her at a suit- 
able time, but had afterward sold her out of the colony. He 
had done this without his father's consent ; but the father 
had not mentioned the matter to Friends. The son was read 
out of the meeting, and the father advised to proceed against 

^Miss Hazard, "College Tom," p. 170. 

2 Records of Meeting, quoted by Miss Hazard, p. 171. 



150 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 

him. As he did not, the meeting heretofore held at his 
house was discontinued, and finally he also was denied his 
membership.! 

This incident shows the untiring effort of Friends toward 
the abolition of slavery in its very stronghold, nor did it cease 
with a few cases. John Knowles and Stephen - Richmond in 
1771 " Appears of a disposition to comply with friends rules 
in liberating their slaves." Three Friends " discovers some- 
thing of a Disposition to comply," while four " Did Shew the 
Contrary Disposition." They were informed on the 29th 
of 7th mo., 1771, that all who did not free their slaves may 
' expect to be Denied Membership.' Two months afterward 
a sturdy Friend appeared in meeting and ' saith that he shall 
not comply with the Rules of the Society, Respecting his 
Slaves to Liberate them,' and he and three others are there- 
fore denied membership. On the "28th of 6th mo., 1773, 
Fr*^" Appointed to Visit Slave Keepers made report that they 
don't find their is any held as Slaves by Fr^^ and there are 
some yt are set at Liberty and no proper manuamission given 
therefore said committee are continued to see that they are 
manuamitted and make report thereof as soon as they con- 
veniently can." 2 

Let us now turn again to the proceedings of the Yearly 
Meeting in 1770. We have seen that the committee appointed 
in 1769 to visit Friends who were owners of slaves reported 
at the meeting in 1770 the completion of their task. Another 
committee was accordingly appointed to consider the expedi- 
ency of making the alteration in the tenth query proposed by 
the Rhode Island Quarterly Meeting the previous year. At 
an adjourned session the committee proposed the following : 
" Are Friends clear of importing, buying, or any ways dispos- 
ing of negroes as slaves, and do they use those well that are 
under their care, not in circumstances through nonage or 
incapacity to be at liberty, — and do they give those that are 
young such an education as becomes Christians and are the 
others encouraged in a religious and virtuous life, and are all 

1" College Tom," pp. 172-176. 

2 Miss Hazard, p. 176, quoting Records of South Kingstown Monthly 
Meeting. 



SLAVERY IN RHODE ISLAND. I5I 

set at liberty that are of age, capacity and abilities suitable 
for freedom ? " The query as thus read, was approved and 
recommended to the several quarterly and monthly meetings 
with the exhortation " that they take care it be duly complied 
with." 

The epistle from this meeting to the Friends in London 
reads as follows : " This meeting hath been under a weighty 
concern for some time on account of enslaving and keeping 
in bondage our fellow creatures, and after much exercise and 
deep travail of spirit on that account have come to this con- 
clusion that Friends ought to be no ways concerned in im- 
porting, buying or any ways disposing of negroes as slaves, 
and that they set all at liberty that are of age, capacity and 
ability suitable for freedom." 

Progress of the Movetncnt ; Sentiment Against Slavehold- 
ing. The next information we have as to the progress of this 
movement among the Friends in Rhode Island is found in 
their epistle to the London Meeting dated June 12, 1772. It 
reads as follows : " We also have to inform that the conclu- 
sion this meeting came to some time past respecting the en- 
slaved negro, we are gradually endeavoring to affect, and have 
the satisfaction to inform that a few friends amongst us have 
freed them from their bondage, and with sorrow that some 
have been so reluctant hereto that they have been disowned 
for not complying with the advice of this meeting in that re- 
spect." In 1773 another epistle similar to that of 1769 was 
sent from the Rhode Island Quarterly Meeting to the Yearly 
Meeting proposing the freeing of all slaves. It read as fol- 
lows : "It is our sense and judgment that truth not only 
requires the young of capacity and ability, but likewise the 
aged and impotent, and also all in a state of infancy and non- 
age among Friends, be discharged and set free from a state of 
slavery ; that we do no more claim proj3erty in the human 
race, as we do in the brutes that perish, notwithstanding it is 
to be understood that the aged and impotent and also infants 
and those in their nonage be provided for, brought up and 
instructed as required by our loth query." 

In accordance with this recommendation the Yearly Meet- 



152 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 

ing amended the tenth query as follows : " Are Friends 
clear of importing or in any ways purchasing, disposing of or 
holding mankind as slaves ; and are all those who have been 
held in a state of slavery discharged therefrom ; and do they 
use those well who are under their care, that are in circum- 
stances through nonage or incapacity to minister to their own 
necessities and not set fully at liberty, and do they give those 
that are young such an education as becomes Christians and 
are the others encouraged in a religious and virtuous life ? " 

The epistle to the London meeting for this year reports 
the following progress : " We also inform that Friends' labor 
for the freedom of the enslaved negroes is still continued, 
and some Friends have manumitted them, others give encour- 
agement of taking Friends' advice to free them, and when 
there hath appeared unrelenting obstinacy some such have 
been disowned since last year." The Epistle to the London 
meeting dated June 14, 1774, was written in very much the 
same spirit. It says : " By accounts brought into the meet- 
ing it appears that several among us have manumitted their 
slaves since last year, and some encouragement is given to 
expect the freedom of others, so that we are in hopes that 
those who have hitherto neglected it may be prevailed upon 
to let the oppressed go free." Their hopes were not without 
reason, for by 1782 no slaves were known to be held in the 
New England Yearly Meeting.^ 

These facts indicate that fourteen years before general col- 
onial action was taken the importation of slaves was forbidden 
by the Society of Friends among its members, and fifteen 
years before a colonial law was made against the ownership 
of slaves, measures were taken by the Friends to abolish it, 
at once and altogether. The influence of such procedure can 
scarcely be over-estimated. The strong social influence of 
the Friends, and the high moral character of their faith and 
of their activity, both tended to produce a strong impression 
upon the thought and activity of the community. 

OtJier Ecclesiastical Bodies ; Samuel Hopkins. There were 
no other ecclesiastical bodies so well organized in Rhode 

1 Whittier, introduction to Woolman's " Journal," p. 28. 



SLAVERY IN RHODE ISLAND. 1 53 

Island as the English Church and the Society of Friends, 
accordingly other efforts toward the amelioration of the con- 
ditions of the slave or toward his emancipation were made by 
individual churches. 

In Dr. Stiles' church at Newport there were, among eighty 
communicants in 1770, seven negroes. "These occasionally 
met by his direction in his study where," says his biogra- 
pher,^ "he discoursed to them on the great things of the 
divine life and eternal salvation ; counselling and encourag- 
ing them, and earnestly pressing them to make their calling 
and election sure, and to walk worthily of their holy profes- 
sion. Then falling on their knees together, he poured out 
fervent supplication at the throne of grace, imploring the 
divine blessing upon them, and commending himself and 
them to the Most High." 

The most prominent clergyman, however, connected with 
the movement inaugurated by the Friends, was Dr. Stiles' 
opponent in theology. Dr. Samuel Hopkins. Some time 
after the settlement of Dr. Hopkins in Newport he "became 
impressed with the state of the town in reference to the slave 
trade. There were some conscientious exceptions, but it was 
the general employment of men of business, so as to be the 
source of the support and prosperity of the people. There 
were more than thirty distilleries in operation, and more 
than an hundred and fifty vessels engaged in prosecuting the 
trade." 2 Newport was at this time the most important "mart 
for slaves offered for sale in the north, and the point from 
which they were shipped to southern parts if not taken di- 
rectly there from the coast of Africa. If, too, a Dutchman 
in New York wanted a few slaves to work his land, he opened 
a correspondence with a Newport merchant, or if the market 
was dull in Newport, a portion of the cargo was sent to 
Boston."^ 

Cargoes of slaves were often landed near the church and 
home of Dr. Hopkins. His congregation was deeply in- 
volved in the guilt of slave trading and slave holding. " On 

1 Holmes, " Life of Ezra Stiles," p. 157. 

- Patten, " Life of Hopkins," p. 80. 

3 Geo. C. Mason in "American Historical Record," I., 344- 



154 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 

the subject of emancipation, Dr. Hopkins was an advocate for 
slaves remaining quietly and peaceably in bondage, and dili- 
gently and faithfully performing as unto God the labors of 
their station, whether to masters who were kind and indul- 
gent, or to those who were froward and severe ; till there 
might be an opportunity in divine Providence for them to be- 
come loyally and with the consent of their masters, free." ^ 
This opportunity Dr. Hopkins sought to bring about. He 
visited from house to house and urged masters to free their 
slaves ; he also preached several times against slavery, be- 
tween 1770 and 1776. " His sermons offended a few, and 
made them permanently his enemies. One wealthy family 
left his congregation in disgust ; but the majority of his 
hearers were astonished that they of themselves had not long 
before seen and felt the truths which he disclosed to them," 2 
and a few years later, as a church, passed this resolution, 
" that the slave trade and the slavery of Africans, as it has 
existed among us, is a gross violation of the righteousness 
and benevolence which are so much inculcated in the gospel, 
and therefore we will not tolerate it in this church." 

Dr. Hopkins, further, took a deep religious interest in the 
slave as well as an interest in his emancipation. Soon after 
his installation at Newport in 1770, he formed a plan for 
sending the gospel to Africa. After he had matured it in 
his own mind, he communicated it to Dr. Stiles. About this. 
Dr. Stiles records in his diary, April 8, 1773, " Yesterday Mr. 
Hopkins came to see me and discourse with me on a design 
he is meditating, to make some negro ministers and send 
them to Guinea. * * * There are two negro men 
communicants in his church, that he is disposed to train up 
for this end. The one is Quamine, ^ a free negro, and the 
other Yamma, a servant. * * He wants, therefore, to 
contrive that these two negroes should be taken under tui- 

1 Patten, p. 82. 

2 Park, " Life of Hopkins," p. 116. 

3 Quamine had been delivered about 1750 by his father to a sea captain 
to bring him to Rhode Island for an education. After sending him to 
school a while the captain sold him for a slave. Stiles' Literary Diary, 
April ij, 1773, quoted by Park. 



SLAVERY IN RHODE ISLAND. 1 55 

tion, perfected in reading the scriptures, and taught system- 
atical divinity, and so ordained and sent forth. * * Mr. 
Hopkins desired me to talk with Ouamine, and examine his 
abilities, which I said I was ready to do." Another record, 
dated April 13, contains the following: "Last evening 
Quamine came to see me, to discourse upon the scheme of 
his becoming a minister. * * He reads but indiffer- 
ently ; not freely but slowly, yet distinctly, and pretty accur- 
ately. * * He has had but little time for reading ; 
seldom any but Lord's days. I did not try him as to writing, 
but he said he had begun to write last winter. He is pretty 
judicious but not communicative and I am doubtful whether 
he would be apt to teach. He certainly wants much improve- 
ment to qualify him for the gospel ministry, if indeed such a 
thing were advisable." 

The two men, though ill prepared in many respects, " still 
retained a Knowledge of their native language, and were 
intelligent, discreet and pious." The two pastors, therefore, 
finally decided to give them the necessary education, and to 
this end issued a circular dated August 31, 1773, and signed 
by them, and distributed it among the churches of Massa- 
chusetts and Connecticut. This circular stated that Bristol 
Yamma was fifty dollars in debt because he had not been able 
to purchase his freedom under two hundred dollars, that he 
must procure this by his own labor unless relieved by the 
charity of others, and that for this reason, both to pay this 
debt and to support the two men at school, money was de- 
sired. To this appeal immediate and encouraging response 
was made, and the next year the two negroes were sent to 
Princeton for instruction.^ 

The Unorthodoxy of Reform. Another plan formulated by 
Dr. Hopkins a few years later, for the colonization of Africa, 
shows the breadth of his intelligence and sympathies. Yet 
it is a curious fact that, respecting both him and the Friends, 
it was the unorthodox party that did most for the slave. The 
utilitarian philosophy was everywhere prevalent. In the 

1 This project was given up at the opening of the war because of the 
removal of Dr. Hopkins and the lack of money. 



156 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 

church, it was, quite naturally, formulated in Biblical terms, 
so that it seemed truly to have a divine sanction. The phil- 
osophy of the church was the same as that of the time, it was 
only the expression of it that was different. With this phil- 
osophy, however, Hopkins and the Quakers seem to have 
broken as the Methodists did in England about the same 
time. It was, perhaps, their ability to think away the formu- 
las of the dominant party that enabled them to discover what 
they thought to be a universal right to freedom, and further 
to believe in it, and act upon it. And, if it is agreed that it 
was the unorthodox party in Rhode Island that brought 
about the abolition of the slave trade and the emancipation 
of the slave, we may go farther and say that it was because 
Rhode Island was from the first quite unorthodox and inde- 
pendent, that she was the first among those prominently en- 
gaged in the slave trade, to abolish the trade and emancipate 
the slave. 

Moral afid Economic Reasons for the Decay of Slavery. That 
there were economic reasons for the decay of slavery in Rhode 
Island, is very true, but it is also true that before the Revolu- 
tion these reasons, in part were not recognized, and in part 
did not exist. Slavery was still the life of trade, many of the 
most influential citizens and planters still owned slaves, and 
private individuals often engaged in small ventures in this 
profitable business. For example, in 1762 a hogshead of rum 
was sent to the coast and the following receipt was given for 
it: "Newport, April 24th, 1762. Received on Board the 
sloop Friendship, one Hoggd Rum, marked W. H. No. 2 
which on my arrival on the Coast of Africa, I promise to dis- 
pose of on the Best Terms & Invest the proceeds in Negro 
man slave and ship back the first convenient opportunity, on 
the proper account & risk of William Gifford, per me Wil- 
liam Hudson." ^ 

In spite then of the economic value of slavery up to the 
time of the Revolution, anti-slavery sentiment increased in 
force and was throughout the history of the colony so strong 
that Potter in his report to the legislature in 1840 dared 

^ Geo. C. Mason, in 'American Historical Record," I., 344. 



SLAVERY IN RHODE ISLAND. 1 57 

even to say that slavery was never countenanced by the leg- 
islature, perhaps never by public opinion. 

But while it was for moral reasons that the slave trade and 
slavery were abolished in Rhode Island as early as they were, 
and in Rhode Island earlier than in the other colonies referred 
to, it was for economic and prudential reasons that the slave 
trade in Rhode Island was abolished before slavery, and the 
final abolition of slavery in the colony took the form it did. 
The law of 1774 against the importation of slaves into Rhode 
Island affected the slave trade but little. The only real dif- 
ference was, that Rhode Island merchants sold their slave 
cargoes in other ports, especially the southern ports, where 
already the market was becoming much more valuable. The 
profit still continued to come largely to Rhode Island, if the 
slaves did not. For economic as well as for moral reasons, 
therefore, the law of 1774 was made possible. It did not 
affect so large a class of people as the later law against the 
ownership of slaves, nor did it affect even that class seriously. 
Its motive and spirit satisfied the moral demand, its form and 
letter satisfied the economic. But while this measure was 
not so important nor so far-reaching in its results, the law of 
1784 against the ownership of slaves was quite important, and 
the forces which determined its enactment as a law were 
strong and numerous. We must now examine what was 
more distinctively the anti-slavery agitation which led up to 
the act of 1784. 

IV. ANTI-SLAVERY AGITATION. 

Anti-Slavery Literature. Much has already been said of 
the attitude of the church toward slavery, and the consequent 
abolition of the slave trade, in Rhode Island. The moral 
force thus aroused was also one of the strongest influences 
against the institution of slavery ; but there was beside this 
and in addition to the organized effort of the church, an anti- 
slavery literature and the voluntary efforts of individuals. 

Some of this anti-slavery pamphlet literature was made up 
of the sermons before the Society for the Propagation of the 
Gospel in Foreign Parts, which have already been mentioned. 



158 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 

Besides these there appeared in 1762, " Considerations on 
Keeping Negroes," by John Woolman. " Some of these 
pamphlets," he writes, " I sent to my acquaintance at New- 
port." In this paper he says : " When trade is carried on 
productive of much misery, and they who suffer by it are 
many thousand miles off, the danger is the greater of not lay- 
ing their sufferings to heart. In procuring slaves on the 
coast of Africa, many children are stolen privately ; wars are 
encouraged among the negroes ; but all is at a great distance. 
Many groans arise from dying men which we hear not. Many 
cries are uttered by widows and fatherless children which 
reach not our ears. Many cheeks are wet with tears, and 
faces sad with unuttered grief, which we see not. Cruel 
tyranny is encouraged. The hands of robbers are strength- 
ened. * * Were we for the term of one year only to be 
eyewitnesses of what passeth in getting these slaves ; were 
the blood that is there shed to be sprinkled on our garments ; 
were the poor captives, bound with thongs, and heavily laden 
with elephants' teeth to pass before our eyes on the way to 
the sea ; were their bitter lamentations, day after day, to ring 
in our ears, and their mournful cries in the night to hinder us 
from sleeping, — were we to behold and hear these things, what 
pious heart would not be deeply affected with sorrow.?" ^ 

May 14, 1768, the Newport Mercury contained an extract 
from the Boston Evening Post. The burden of this article 
was similar to that of Woolman's essay ; that while seeking 
liberty themselves, the colonists ought not to enslave others, 
and that masters ought to do to slaves as they would have 
slaves do to them. March 21, 1772, the Providence Gazette 
contained an advertisement for " proposals for printing by 
subscription a dissuasion to Great Britain and her colonies 
from the slave trade to Africa, shewing the Contradiction 
that the Trade bears to Laws divine and provincial ; the Dis- 
advantage arising from it, and Advantage from abolishing it, 
both to Europe and America, particularly to Britain and her 
Plantations ; also shewing how to put the trade to Africa on 
a just and lawful Footing, By Jonas Swan, a Friend to the 
Welfare of the Continent." The Newport Merciuy, Decem- 
1 Whittier's Woolman's '"Journal," pp. 3S-39. 



SLAVERY IN RHODE ISLAND. 1 59 

ber 4, 1773, contained " Observations on slave Keeping, an 
extract from a pamphlet printed in Philadelphia," probably 
John Woolman's. September 24, 1774, the same paper con- 
tained " reflections on slave keeping," also from Woolman's 
pamphlet ; and on January 28, 1775, it printed a poem enti- 
tled, "To the dealers in slaves." March 4, 1775, the Gasette 
advertised a pamphlet by the editor, John Carter, for sale at 
the distill house. The title of this pamphlet was : "The po- 
tent enemies of America laid open, being some account of the 
baneful effects attending the use of distilled spirituous liquors 
and the slavery of the negroes." August 26, in the same 
year, the following communication was sent to the printer 
of the Providence Gazette : " Please to insert the following 
resolve of the Provincial convention for the large and popu- 
lous county of Worcester in the Massachusetts bay, which 
may serve to show that while America is conflicting for the 
greatest of human blessings, liberty, the members of that 
benevolent body are not inattentive to the cause of the poor 
enslaved African." Then follow the Worcester resolves. 

Object and Success of Agitation. Of these pamphlets and 
newspaper articles it is remarkable that only one treats of the 
slave trade. The real point of discussion was not the slave 
trade, but the principle involved in both the trade and the 
ownership in slaves. If the negro was a man and not a chat- 
tel, the only logical conclusion was that he must be treated 
as such. For years he had been, tacitly at least, recognized as 
a man, now he must be explicitly recognized and treated as 
such. A number of times, as we have seen, this feeling man- 
ifested itself and resulted in the manumission of slaves by 
their masters. These cases of manumission became much 
more numerous just before the war. The records of these 
are to be found in many town clerks' offices. 

March 14, 1753, Obadiah Brown makes his will as follows : 
" My will is and I do hereby Order that my negro man Adam 
serve one whole year after my decease and after such one 
years servis to be free. I give him my said negro Adam 20 
acres of land to be laid of on the North west corner of my 
farm in Gloucester." The will of John Field, dated June 26, 



l60 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 

1754) was this : "As to my negro man Jeffery I do hereby 
order and my will is that he shall Chuse which of my Children 
or Grandchildren he shall think proper to live with, and so 
far give him his time as to chuse any of them, or any other 
Person as he thinks proper to take him — provided, that they 
he shall so chuse, give Bond to Keep my Heirs, Executors 
and Administrators from all Cost, Charge and Trouble that 
shall from thence accrue by reason of said negro, Jeffry's 
Maintainence, and in case none of my children shall see cause 
to accept of said Negroe, then he shall be kept and main- 
tained by my executors hereafter named." A will of Casco 
ie Favor, free negro, dated November 9, 1762, reads as fol- 
lows : " In the first place, I confirm and grant unto my Be- 
loved wife, Judith, her Freedom, willing and requiring that 
she may enjoy the same without any Lett or Molestation." 
The will of Richard Browne, October 30, 1765, provides that 
his girl Phillis be freed after she is forty years old, his girl 
Sylvia at his decease, his girl Anna at forty, his old negro 
women not to be sold out of the family, his boy Peter to be 
freed at forty-five. The will of John Merrett, November 24, 
1769, was : " I desire and direct my executors that if my 
Negro woman, Frank, be living at the time of my decease, a 
sum of money be given by them to some good honest person 
to take all kind care of her during her life, that she may be 
treated with all humanity and tenderness, she having been a 
very faithful servant, and if my negro man, Tom, may be 
thought by my executors, of ability sufficient to take care of 
himself, that they give him his freedom, if not that they dis- 
pose of him to a master to his own content, and touching" the 
rest of my negroes that they may be disposed of so that there 
is good appearance of their passing the remainder of their 
days comfortable." 

IVi// of Moses Brown. Our discussion would be incom- 
plete without a notice of the will of Moses Brown. This was 
dated November 10, 1773, and read as follows : "Whereas I 
am clearly convinced that Ihe Buying and Selling of Men of 
what Colour Soever as Slaves is Contrary to the Divine Mind 
Manifest in the Conscience of all Men, however some may 



SLAVERY IN RHODE ISLAND. l6l 

smother and neglect its Reproveings, and being also made 
Sensible that the Holding Negroes in Slavery, however 
Kindly Treated by their Masters, has a Great Tendency to 
Incourage the Iniquitous Traffick and Practice of Importing 
them from their Native Country, and is contrary to that 
Justice, Mercy and Humility Injoined as the Duty of every 
Christian ; I Do therefore by these presents for my Self my 
Heirs etc Manumitt and set Free the following Negroes 
being all I am Possessed of or am any ways Interested in Viz. 
Bonno an african aged about 34 years, Caesar aged 32 years, 
Cudjo aged 27 years Born in this colony, Prince an African 
aged about 25 years, Pero an African aged about 18 years, 
Pegg born in this town aged 20 years. And One Ouater 
being the part I own of the three Following Africans viz. 
Yarrow aged about 40 years, Tom aged about 30 years, and 
Newport aged about 21 years. And a child Phillis aged about 
Two Years born in my Family she having the same Natural 
Right, I hereby give her the same power as my own chil- 
dren to take and use her Freedom, Injoining upon my Heirs 
a careful watch over her for her Good and that they in case I 
be taken hence give her suitable education or if she be bound 
out that they take care in that and in all other respects as 
much as to white children, hereby expressly prohibiting my 
Self and my Heirs from Assuming any further power over a 
property in her. And as all prudent men lay up in Times of 
health and strength so much of their Honest earnings as is 
over and above their needful expenses for Clothing etc so it is 
my direction and advice to you that you deposit in my Hands 
such a part of your Wages as is not from Time to Time 
Wanted, taking my Receipt therefore, to put to Interest and 
to apply it for your Support when through Sickness or other- 
wise you may be unable to Support Your Selves, or to be 
applyd to the Use of your Children (if Free) and if not to the 
purchasing their Freedom and if not wanted for these Useses 
to be given in your Wills to such Persons or for such use as 
you may think proper. And for your encouragement to such 
Sober Prudence and Industry I hereby give to the first Six 
Named (the other three having good Trades) the use of one 
acre of Land as marked off on my Farm as long as you im- 
prove it to good purpose. I now no longer consider you as 



1 62 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 

slaves nor myself as your Master but your Friend and so long 
as you behave well may you expect my further countenance, 
support and assistance. And as you will consider this as an 
instrument of extending your Liberty so I hope you will 
always remember and practice this my earnest desire and 
advice that accompanys it, that you use not the liberty hereby 
granted you to Licenciousness, nor take ocation or oppor- 
tunity thereby to go into or practice the lusts of the flesh, the 
lusts of the eye or pride on any ocation or Temptation, but 
be more consious than heretofore and with love serve one 
another and all men, not only to please Men but as fearing 
and rcverancing that Holy God who sees all the secret actions 
of men And receive your liberty with a humble sense of its 
being a Favor from the Great King of Heaven and Earth who 
through his Light that shines upon the consciences of all 
men, Black as well as white, and thereby sheweth us what is 
Good, and that the Lord's requirings of each of us to do 
Justice, to have Mercy and to walk humbly with our God is 
the cause of this my duty to you, be therefore watchful and 
attentive to that divine teaching in your own minds that 
convinces you of sin and as you dutifully obey the enlighten- 
ings and teachings it will not only cause you to avoid pro- 
faneness and wickedness, as stealing, lying, swearing, drink- 
ing, lusting after women, frolicking and the like sinful courses 
but will teach you and lead you into all that is necessary for 
you to know, as your duty to the great master of all men, for 
he has said respecting mankind— universally, I will put my 
law into their inward parts, and write it in their hearts and 
they shall All Know me from the least, to the greatest, and 
therefore you can't plead ignorance that you don't know your 
duty to the God that made you, because you can't all read his 
mind and will in the scriptures, which is indeed a great Favor 
and Blessing to them that can understand and obey. But 
there is a Book within you that is not confined to the En- 
glish or any language, and as you silently and reverently wait 
for its openings and instantly it will teach you and you will 
be enabled to understand its language and as you are careful 
to be obedient thereto and often silently read it, you will be 
able to speak its language with African as well as English 
tongues to your poor Fellow countrymen To the glory of 



SLAVERY IN RHODE ISLAND. 163 

him who has wrought your deliverance from slavery to whose 
gracious care and protection I commit and fervently recom- 
mend you and bid you farewell." ^ 

The occasion of this will of Moses Brown, as well as its na- 
ture, is curious. It was after " returning from the grave of his 
wife, and meditating upon the Lord's mercies and favors, and 
seeking to know what the Divine will was concerning him ; " 
he says, " I saw my slaves with my spiritual eyes as plainly as 
I see you now, and it was given mc as clearly to understand 
that the sacrifice that was called for of my hand was to give 
them their liberty."- 

Another will, dated August i, 1775, made by Eve Bernon, 
provides for the emancipation of her woman Amey, and the 
latter's son Marmy, and their keep in case they become dis- 
abled through sickness or otherwise. 

The Movement in Narragansctt. These manumissions we 
have recorded were mostly confined to Providence. There 
were also manumissions, as we have seen, in the cases of 
Friends in Newport and in the Narragansctt country. 
Thomas Hazard, "perhaps the first man of much influence in 
New England," says his biographer, "who labored in behalf 
of the African race, when a young man on coming home 
from college was set by his father to oversee the negroes 
whilst they were engaged under a scorching sun in cultivat- 
ing a field of corn. As he sat reading in the shade of a tree 
his mind went out in sympathy toward the poor slaves who 
were thus forced to labor for others in the heat of the sun, 
when he himself could scarcely keep comfortable while quietly 
sitting in the shade. This led to a train of thought that 
finally resulted in a conviction that it was wrong to hold 
slaves," and when he was being established by his father he 
refused the slaves that were offered him. ^ 

A similar anecdote is told of another Narragansett magnate, 
Rowland Robinson : " Previous to establishing his house- 

1 Probate Records, VI., 73. 

■■^Augustine Jones, " Moses Brown: a Sketch," p. 13. 

^"Recollections of Olden Times," T. R. Hazard, p. 102. Miss Caroline 
Hazard, " College Tom," pp. 42-44, gives another story of the causes of 
his conversion. 



164 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 

hold Mr. Robinson engaged with others of his friends in 
sending a vessel from Franklin Ferry to the Guinea coast for 
slaves, out of his portion of which he proposed to select most 
of his domestic servants and farming hands and dispose of 
the remainder by sale as was the custom in those days. Up 
to the time of the return of the vessel — such was the force 
of education and habit — the cruelty and injustice involved in 
the slave trade seemed never to have entered Mr. Robinson's 
mind, but now when he saw the forlorn, woebegone looking 
men and women disembarking, some of them too feeble to 
stand alone, the enormity of his offence against humanity 
presented itself so vividly to his susceptible mind that he 
wept like a child, nor would he consent that a single slave 
that fell to his share — twenty-eight in all— should be sold, but 
took them all to his own house, where though held in servi- 
tude they were kindly cared for." ^ 

Conclusion. These were the conditions and the modifica- 
tions of slavery in Rhode Island during a part of the last cen- 
tury. We have seen that the church largely determined the 
status of the slave, and that the economic conditions of the 
colony determined the extent of slavery. We have seen the 
growth of the sentiment against slavery, and its first result in 
the abolition of the slave trade. In the next few years this 
sentiment was strengthened by the anti-slavery agitation in 
England and the other colonies, and by the revolutionary 
spirit, and in 1784 an act was passed which provided that all 
children born of slave mothers after the first of March should 
be free, and that the introduction of slaves for sale upon any 
pretext whatever should be forbidden. ^ 

1" Recollections of Olden Times," T. R. Hazard, p. 121. 

Higginson's version of this story is as follows: "Rowland Robinson, 
said impulsively one day, ' I have not servants enough, fetch me some 
from Guinea.' Upon this the master of a small packet of 20 tons belong- 
ing to Mr. Robinson, fitted her out at once, set sail for Guinea and brought 
home eighteen slaves, one of whom was a King's son. His employer 
burst into tears on their arrival, his order not having been seriously 
given." Larger History of the United States, pp. 237-8. 

2 Rhode Island's legislation respecting slavery in the period from 1775 
to 1785 has been treated in an essay by Dr. Jeffrey R. Brackett, entitled 
'•The Status of the Slave, 1775-1789/'!" a volume of "Essays m the 
Constitutional History of the United States," edited by Professor J. F. 
Jameson. 



EDITORIAL NOTES. 



A desire has been expressed that an opportunity be 
furnished through the medium of this publication to 
solicit and secure information on certain subjects that 
are clearly within the scope and aims of this Society. 
In response to this request, which is largely repre- 
sented by persons interested in genealogical pursuits, 
a few pages will hereafter be devoted to Notes and 
Queries. The usefulness and success of this depart- 
ment of the Quarterly will depend on the practical 
manifestations of interest in the experiment. 

The next number of the publication will contain : 
I. A copy of an original communication, dated New- 
port, June i8, 1787, and signed by eminent citizens of 
this State, at that period in its history. This is taken 
from a file of papers known as " The Archives of the 
Federal Convention." 2. A letter from Dr. Benjamin 
Waterhouse, written at Newport, September 14, 1822, 
and addressed to Thomas Jefferson. 3. Copies of cer- 
tain Military Records of Rhode Island during a portion 
of the Revolutionary period. 4. Some genealogical 
notes by Mr. John O. Austin ; and probably some 
similar contributions from other sources. 



